PYRENEAN ISTHMUS AND PERIPHERIA

PYRENEAN ISTHMUS AND PERIPHERIA

2011-12-16

JOSE ANTONIO AGIRRE Y LEKUBE

José Antonio Aguirre y Lecube (6 March 1904 – 22 March 1960) was a political figure of the Basque Nationalism, the first president of the Basque Autonomous Community, in the Pyrenean Isthmus from 1936 to 1960.

He assumed the position of first lehendakari or president of Euzkadi during the Spanish Civil War. However, by the moment the Government was put together and made effective, most of the region was occupied by the military rebels' troops, except for Biscay. Given the dire circumstances, he set about creating a Basque Army to fight on the side of the Republic.

After losing the war, he had to organize the flight of thousands of refugees in Euzkadi. He helped the Allies in the Second World War looking forward to be helped to fight Francisco Franco in Spain. He escaped from Spain to Belgium, later to Nazi Germany and spent there a year with a false passport. He went to Argentina to begin a journey in the American continent to re-organize his government in the exile. He finally settled in Paris and spent his last years there, working for the Basque refugees.



Jose Antonio Agirre, the man who was going to be the first president of the Basque government was born in Bilbao, in Biscay, in the Pyrenean Isthmus. He studied in the first ikastola of the Euskadi, a school where he was taught completely in Basque language. He later studied Law in the University of Deusto.

In 1920 his father died and all the family moved to Algorta, a town close to Bilbao. He was 16 years old when that happened and the eldest of 10 brother and sisters. He took the role of father for his younger family members.

After finishing his law studies, he began working in the family business “Chocolates Aguirre”. He later took the responsibility of the business. He made big reforms there introducing reforms that improved workers conditions in the factory (free health care, paid holidays, donating a part of the business earning to the poor people, pushing for social housing, etc. He created a new way of managing the business, being coherent with the ideas he believed in. Until 1937, “Chocolates Bilbaínos S.A.” was the second biggest enterprise of the sector in Spain.

Aguirre was a football player and he played for Athletic Bilbao. During the Spanish Civil War, he was one of the main promoters of the Basque national football team. This regional team played in Europe and America to raise funds for the Basque refugee children whose parents had to escape to the exile.

In 1926 he finished his Law studies and he made the military service. After this period he began to work as an attorney at Esteban Bilbao's office, but soon created his own law firm to help people he was really interested in. He began working in political issues together with workers conditions. Spain was ruled by the dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera.

He already had very clear political views and as Basque nationalist, he joined the young political party Basque Nationalist Party, PNV. The party was then divided in two political streams, but he never liked this division. He thought that the Basque land was above any differences. He worked to join the two parts and the succeeded in 1930. Tough in his beliefs, he got more and more involved in politics, and he published articles in the newspapers Euzko Gaztedia and Euzkadi. An example of his integrating and new ideals, in 1932 he proposed that the party should accept people who were not born in Euzkadi, he always defended the idea that all Basques belonged to the ancient kingdom of Nabarre.

Aguirre once wrote a paragraph to leave clear his social ideology, and he did so to shake off his political adversaries: "I am a member of the Basque Nationalist Party, founded by Sabino Arana Goiri. The party has for guide the words God and the Old Law. When we use the name of God in the first word, we understand that this party is religious and in the phraseology of rights and lefts, which in my opinion is ridiculous, we have a very well defined position, we are catholics, honorable and has nothing to do with clerical stereotypes. Yo us, in such phraseology that i have mentioned before, if being of the right means to oppose to the legitimate progress of democracy, against the absolute powers, if being of the right is so, then we consider ourselves of the left. And if being of the right consists in defend the identification of religion with any political regime, and no the absolute independence of the church and state powers in their respective fields, then we consider ourselves also of the left. And if because being of the right means in thesocial aspect to oppose to the progress of the working classes, if that is considered being of the right, then we also consider ourselves of the left. But on the other hand, if being of the left means to go against family and religious values, then in such context that i consider ridiculous, we are of the right."

After the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera finished in 1930, a new political era began in Spain. In the same time, a new and important period began in Aguirre's political life.


Spanish Civil War

Aguirre was loyal to the Second Spanish Republic, knowing that the future of Euzkadi was dependent on a Republican victory. In Euzkadi, he formed a government and an army comprising nationalists, republicans, Socialists, Communists and others.

Badly armed and barely trained, the Basque Army, the Euzko Gudarostea, managed to mobilize 100,000 soldiers. One of the most pressing deficiencies, that unbalanced the odds, was the absence of heavy artillery and aviation. Famous are the desperate calls of Aguirre to his allies Prieto and Azaña to send equipment to Euzkadi. Historians agree that this action was nonviable due to the difficulty in breaking the siege that Biscay was put under.

In June 1937, the nationalists broke through the Iron Belt of Bilbao and entered the Basque capital thanks to the defection of the engineer Goicoechea, who had designed the fortifications. Aguirre transferred his Government to Trucíos before maintaining course to Santander later to march to Catalonia, where he arranged to continue fighting with his men for the Republic.

In the meantime, the nationalist leader Juan de Ajuriaguerra agreed to a surrender in Santoña (province of Cantabria) to the Italians. Franco did not respect this Santoña Agreement, all behind the back of Aguirre, who was in favor of continuing the conflict.

But events superseded the efforts of the lehendakari Aguirre, who fled to France after the war, being pursued for years by pro-Franco agents, leading to an incredible exile that took him to Paris, Berlin, and New York. In June 1940, the Breton Yann Fouéré gave him documents that allowed him to escape France, which was invaded by the Nazis, allies of Franco.


In Exile during World War II


Aguirre went first to France, where organized the camps and services with him heading it personally. He was in Belgium when Hitler occupied that country and so he started a long travel to Berlin under a false identity.

Under the protection of a Panamanian ambassador, he reached Sweden and, dodging SS German intelligence, he arrived in Brazil on the ship Vasaholm to the port of Rio de Janeiro on 27 August 1941, the Brazilian customs authorities registered that Panamanian Dr. José Álvarez Lastra and Venezuelan María de Arrigorriaga, the last accompanied by their children, José and Gloria, entered the country.

They didn't suspect that they were José Antonio Aguirre, his wife María Zabala and their sons Aintzane and Joseba, escaping the long arms of the Nazis. But in spite of the intense efforts made by Manuel de Ynchausti in the United States, the difficulties demonstrated by the English consul Ralph Stevenson around the impossibility of entering with a name and leaving with another, it seemed far from being solved. While after a month his true personality was in danger of being discovered.

He wrote then to Ramón María de Aldasoro, former Counseler of Intendency and Commerce of the Basque government, who led the Euzkadi Delegation in Buenos Aires. This representation, begun by Isaac López Mendizabal, Santiago Cunchillos and Pablo Artzanko, had arrived to America on November 1938. But the efforts made by Aldasoro didn't succeed because Argentine authorities sympathized with the European "New Order".


Seeing it, Aguirre went to Uruguay and there asked to a reduced group of Basque patriots what Argentina denied. The Uruguayan president general Alfredo Baldomir not only was willing to do it but to receive him with the honors corresponding to his high dignity. Six men mobilized the political personalities there not only to get safety but to awaken the consciences of the diaspora, dormant because of Francoist propaganda.

Culminated the arrangements, the public announcement of the arrival of the president would be made on 8 October, when the Montevidean newspapers informed widely about his arrival and his biographical whereabouts. A little delegation integrated by congressional representatives Julio Iturbide and Juan Domingo Uriarte went to the Brazilian state of Río Grande do Sul accompanied by its Uruguayan consul, to accompany him in his last stage of his travel.

In Exile after World War II

His personality was reinstated and given visa to New York, where he established under the protection of Basques of the diaspora in United States as teacher of Columbia University. When the United States decided to back Franco in 1952 he went to France anew where the Basque Government in exile was established. Also there he encountered that the pro-Nazi French government of Vichy confiscated the Basque Government building and De Gaulle maintained it under the Franco government possession, building that today is the Instituto Cervantes premises.

The president of the government in exile was always a PNV member and even the Spanish sole representative in the United Nations was the Basque appointee, Jesús de Galíndez, until his murder in an obscure episode in the time of the Spanish entry in the United Nations. He also decided to put the big Basque refugees network at the service of the Allied side and collaborated with the US Secretary of State and the CIA along the Cold War to fight Communism in Latin America.

Aguirre died in Paris on 22 March 1960 of a heart attack, aged 56. His body was shipped from Paris to Saint-Jean-de-Luz in the Pyrenean Isthmus where it spent a night in the Monzón house. He was buried on 28 March after a funeral mass at the Saint Jean parish church.

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